
Vladimir Mitev
Table of contents
Key Takeaways
- The Action and Solidarity Party (PAS) achieved unexpected success in the parliamentary elections by explaining the risks of Russian political parties taking power in Moldova.
- PAS faces socio-economic challenges, including the impacts of the war in Ukraine and the need for judicial reforms, despite initial election promises.
- The extradition of oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc symbolizes progress in prosecuting corruption and reinforces the supremacy of justice in Moldova.
- Bulgarians and Gagauz communities struggle with Russophilia and lack ties with PAS, largely due to historical Soviet influences and identity issues.
- Moldova is ready to move towards EU accession alongside Ukraine, highlighting the importance of regional stability against Russian aggression.
Mihail Sirkeli is a Moldovan political commentator and founder of the Nokta website. He is Gagauz and has Bulgarian citizenship. The Bridge of Friendship spoke with him about the reasons for the very good results obtained by the Action and Solidarity Party (PAS) in the parliamentary elections of September 28, 2025, about the socio-economic challenges facing the PAS government, and about the significance of the extradition of Moldovan oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc to the Republic of Moldova. The interview also examines the reasons for the lack of ties between Bulgarians and Gagauz, on the one hand, and the PAS party, on the other, as well as the extent to which Bulgaria could influence and contribute to strengthening ties with the EU for the inhabitants of southern Moldova.
Mr. Sirkeli, there is a very good result for PAS (Action and Solidarity Party) in the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova. How do you explain this result, given that it was not expected to be so good? Before the elections, there was talk that PAS might need a smaller coalition partner…
I think this can be explained by the fact that PAS – and not only them, but also independent journalists and commentators – managed to explain to voters what it means for Russian political parties to take power in Moldova.
It is no coincidence that I call them Russian political parties, because they are funded and coordinated by Russia. We cannot say that they are simply pro-Russian Moldovan parties, because they were created and are funded by the Kremlin. Their leaders often travel to Moscow, meet with Putin’s people and representatives of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. In essence, they are meeting with the aggressor.
Russia is waging a large-scale hybrid war against Moldova. The only difference is that Russia is not bombing Moldova with drones and missiles, as it is doing in Ukraine. All other operations—financial, election interference, disinformation—have been part of this hybrid war.
I think that commentators, PAS, and President Maia Sandu have managed to explain to people what the coming to power of these Russian parties means. They understood that this means Moldova’s involvement in the war against Ukraine and that Russia will use Moldova militarily, not just diplomatically and politically.
We must not forget that Russia has troops in Transnistria, which is an occupied territory representing 11% of our territory. If the regime in Chișinău changes, this would mean that Russia would have a free hand to do whatever it wants with the Republic of Moldova, using it not only against Ukraine, but also against the European Union.
The challenges facing PAS: war and reforms
President Maia Sandu and her PAS party have achieved what they wanted – they have the necessary majority. What’s next for them? They have quite a few problems to solve, not only geopolitical but also socio-economic.
They are already tackling them. Let’s not forget that PAS came to power four years ago in a completely different context, with completely different promises: to reform the judiciary, to catch the oligarchs who stole a billion from the banking system.
Instead, they had to deal with problems of a different, higher level. First came the pandemic, then the energy crisis with Russia, and in February 2022, Russia launched a major war against Ukraine. Moldova also faced a refugee crisis.
They promised one thing, hoping to solve certain problems, but ended up having to solve completely different ones. Of course, these problems, especially the war, cannot fail to affect the economy.
The first element affected is investors. When they look at Moldova, they understand that the country is in danger. It is not a member of NATO, it is not even a member of the EU, and investing there presents high risks. No one is coming to invest.
On the other hand, the process of European integration has begun. The EU is coming to the rescue. The EU is promising $1.9 billion for reforms in Moldova to help it prepare for accession. Why is the EU doing this? Because it understands that Moldova is an important element in the entire security structure of the Black Sea region and beyond. Above all, it is an important element for the security of Ukraine and Romania. If Moldova is used against Ukraine and the EU, as Belarus is now being used, the situation will become more complicated.
Yes, there are economic problems, but with the help of the EU we will solve them.
The return to the country of Vlad Plahotniuc
Something else important has happened: Moldova’s former éminence grise, the oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc…
…Your Peevski…
…Yes… has returned to the country under arrest after being captured in Greece. How does this change Moldovan politics? What role will this trial against Plahotniuc play from now on?
Plahotniuc’s arrest in Greece and his extradition to Moldova are very significant.
It means that, towards the end of its term, PAS has fulfilled its promise to prosecute the oligarchs who stole a billion, Plahotniuc being the most prominent among them. As you know, he established the so-called “captured state” (захваченное государство in Russian, stat capturat in Romanian) – a regime that bears his name. He had taken control of all institutions: courts, prosecutors’ offices, ministries, all economic resources.
We were very happy to expel him from the country with the help of our American and European partners. At that time, even Russia was interested in his expulsion. I don’t know how it happened, but he was despised by Russia, Europe, and America alike. He fled, and then the process of reform and change began.
The number one promise was to catch him and bring him to justice in a Moldovan court. This promise has been fulfilled and is of great importance. He still has people in the system, he still has influence. But for society, as the supremacy of justice, this is a very important act. I believe we will succeed in convicting him. The system will have enough courage to convict him and he will get what he deserves.
Bulgarians and Gagauz and their lack of ties with PAS
Bulgarians and Gagauz in the Republic of Moldova traditionally vote differently from the majority, and this is usually explained by their Russophilia. They themselves explain this by their lack of close ties with the Romanian-speaking majority. How do you explain what is happening between PAS and the Bulgarians and Gagauz? Why are no ties being established between them, given that PAS has been in power for so many years?
PAS has had very little time to establish these ties. I have to tell you that, unfortunately, there is no connection between the Gagauz and Bulgarians in Bessarabia and the Republic of Moldova.
They are very Russified. The identity of the Bulgarians and Gagauz was changed during the Soviet period. They do not perceive Bulgaria, Turkey, or the Republic of Moldova as their homeland. They perceive the USSR as their homeland. And that is the big problem.
The change in the identity of these communities is a serious problem that we must address. For example, the Gagauz have autonomy, created to develop their language and culture. But they have become an important tool for Russia to destabilize Moldova. The Bulgarians do not have special status, the Taraclia region does not have special status, but there too we see the dominance of Russophile sentiments. The oligarch Shor, who is now in Moscow, controls both Taraclia and Gagauzia.
Russia controls both the Gagauz and the Bulgarians through two things: fear and hatred.
- Fear: Fear that the Romanians will come and beat them up. This is a great myth created by Soviet propaganda, which presents the interwar period as evil. They manipulate them with this fear. When the independent Republic of Moldova emerged, it was the result of a movement to revive Romanian identity and language. In the south, Bulgarians and Gagauzians perceived this as a major threat because they are Russified and speak Russian more. Russia manipulates these fears very well.
- Hatred: When the pro-European parties took power, Russia began to manipulate them with hatred. They hate the pro-European government, they hate Maia Sandu because she is not married, has no children, “is pro-Europe,” “is Romanian,” etc.
Russia cultivates both hatred and fear and, unfortunately, controls them with these two things.
We should also add something that concerns not only PAS, but also the state of Moldova, which for 35 years has failed to create a situation in which both Gagauz and Bulgarians can learn Romanian, the official language, at a good level.
The Bulgarians and Gagauz in the Republic of Moldova do not speak Romanian. Imagine a situation where the President of Bulgaria makes a statement in Bulgarian, and in certain regions, such as Varna or Dobruja, 95% of the population does not understand what he is saying at all. Someone has to translate for them. And here we have the same situation.
Maria Zakharova (spokesperson for the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) usually acts as a translator. But she does not just provide a translation, she also provides an interpretation. And these interpretations are always negative for the Republic of Moldova. I hope that from now on we will begin to resolve this issue as well.
The role of Bulgaria and the EU
Recently, Bulgarian-Moldovan relations have developed quite well at the political level. As you know, a branch of the University of Ruse has been opened in Taraclia. How do you think this will affect the problems you described earlier?
I don’t know if it will have any impact. Work needs to be done at another level. We are talking about identity. I don’t know if this university will be able to change anything in terms of identity. To tell Bulgarians that they are Bulgarians, not Russians.
Yes, Bulgarians in Moldova have not lost their language, which is a good thing. The Gagauz have almost lost it, to be honest. But the Bulgarians here do not perceive Bulgaria as their homeland. They perceive the Soviet Union as such and want it to return.
Something needs to be done about identity. I think Bulgaria should expand its exchange programs and be that link. Bulgaria can also help Moldova in this regard. As I understand it, Moldova is asking for Bulgaria’s help in resolving this complex issue. I hope that the branch of the University of Ruse in Taraclia will become a beautiful scientific and cultural center for Bulgarians in Moldova, but we will see what happens.
After this parliamentary election result, can we expect Moldova to start opening the first chapters of negotiations for EU accession, and when might this happen?
Moldova is ready to start negotiations with the EU. In this process, it is linked to Ukraine. I hope that the disagreements between EU member states—as far as I understand, the biggest problem at the moment is Hungary—will be overcome and that Moldova and Ukraine will have the opportunity to start negotiations.
Ukraine is a very important country for us at the moment. We understand this. Ukraine is our great shield. It guarantees that Moldova can move forward because it resists and limits Russia’s aggression, preventing Russian troops from reaching the Republic of Moldova. This gives us the opportunity to develop as an independent and sovereign country.
That is why I believe we should move towards the EU together with Ukraine. I hope that these technical contradictions will be resolved soon and that we will continue on our path into the European world
Photo: Mihail Sirkeli (source: YouTube)
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