The Sofia paradox: How pro-European liberals and russophile nationalists ended up in the same camp. “I expect the protests to continue”

Robert Vîrban, Adevărul, December 6, 2025

Summary

Bulgaria is experiencing political and social turmoil marked by protests, initially triggered by the proposed 2026 draft budget, which included tax hikes (doubling the dividend tax and increasing social security contributions).

The underlying cause of the discontent is the influence of businessman and politician Delyan Peevski, who is seen by many as a symbol of corruption and a “captured state.” The current government’s reliance on his support is a major point of tension. Peevski also inflamed liberal elites by supporting a parliamentary committee to investigate the “Soros network” in Bulgaria.

The protests feature an “improbable alliance” of two opposing camps:

• Pro-European reformist parties (like “We Continue the Change” and “Democratic Bulgaria”), who view Peevski as corrupt and a challenge to their open-society principles.
• Sovereignist current (represented by the “Revival” party and President Rumen Radev), who are generally skeptical of the Eurozone but share an anti-Peevski sentiment.

President Rumen Radev plays a complex role, appealing to the patriotic segment with demands like a Eurozone referendum while connecting with the liberal, anti-corruption sphere through his vehement rhetoric against Peevski.

Boyko Borissov, leader of the GERB party, attempted to calm tensions by withdrawing the budget for re-examination, which reduced the opposition from trade unions and employers. However, forming a parliamentary majority without his party remains difficult. The immediate prospects are uncertain, with a high probability that the protests and political instability will continue, including a motion of no confidence debat

Intro

Bulgaria is going through a new period of political and social turmoil, marked by protests. Over 50,000 people took to the streets last week in Sofia and other cities, dissatisfied with the way the country is governed. Although the immediate trigger for the protests was next year’s draft budget, which provided for an increase in some taxes, the causes of the protests are much more complex. The Bulgarian journalist Vladimir Mitev explains to “Adevărul” the mechanisms of this crisis and the role of the businessman Delyan Peevski, the figure who managed to unite the opposition simply by his presence in power.

The situation in Sofia looks like a déjà vu of 2020. Squares are once again filling up with dissatisfied people, just as the neighboring country is preparing to achieve a major strategic goal: joining the Eurozone. This time, the common enemy is no longer just former Prime Minister Boyko Borissov, but a figure at least as controversial.

The Peevski Factor

At the heart of the discontent is Delyan Peevski – a businessman and politician with massive influence, perceived by a large part of society as a symbol of corruption and the captured state. Vladimir Mitev emphasizes that the current government depends on Peevski’s support, a detail that inflames spirits.

“I think one important thing to consider is the fact that the current government is supported by a businessman and politician, Delyan Peevski, who is perceived by many as arrogant. For example, certain tricks related to procedures, certain attitudes, arguments in or around Parliament have accumulated over time and have bothered a part of the population.

More importantly, I am not saying this is the only reason, but this year Peevski supported the establishment of a parliamentary committee that was supposed to investigate the activity of what we might call the ‘Soros network’ in Bulgaria. I think these initiatives only bothered the liberal elites.

That is, essentially, the motivation of the liberals in many respects. The main one is that Peevski is seen as a corrupt person, and on the other hand, as someone who has challenged what they are doing. Even if this committee, as far as I know, did nothing concrete, its mere establishment and the associated discourse, oriented against the elites linked to the idea of an open society, contributed to the tension,” explained Vladimir Mitev.

The improbable alliance: “sovereignists” and “liberals” together again

What makes the situation in Bulgaria truly interesting is the heterogeneous composition of the street. On the one hand, there are the pro-European reformist parties, such as “We Continue the Change” or “Democratic Bulgaria.” On the other hand, the protests are fueled by the sovereignist current, represented mainly by the “Revival” party and by President Rumen Radev.

“There are many different factors, but these two tendencies, even if in principle they have different worldviews, now have a common enemy. For example, parties like ‘We Continue the Change’ or ‘Democratic Bulgaria’ support joining the Eurozone, while the sovereignists are skeptical. However, at the moment, these two camps have once again found themselves on the same side of the barricade. The protests somewhat resemble those of 2020, when there was an unofficial alliance between the liberal-anti-corruption wing and the sovereignist-nationalist wing, and the mobilization was against Borissov, the then Prime Minister, and Chief Prosecutor Geshev. And Geshev, who has since disappeared from the forefront, was perceived as close to Peevski. So we have, in a sense, a repetition of something that has already happened,” explained Mitev.

President Rumen Radev plays a complex role in this context. He manages to capture the attention of the patriotic segment with demands like the referendum on the Eurozone, but maintains a communication bridge with the liberal sphere through his vehement anti-corruption rhetoric against Peevski.

“President Rumen Radev is trying to gain ground in the sovereignist area. In addition, Radev has a clear anti-Peevski and anti-corruption rhetoric. Thus, Radev appears, on the one hand, open to the more patriotic and those more sensitive to the issue of sovereignty – for example, he requested the organization of a referendum on joining the Eurozone. On the other hand, his anti-corruption rhetoric brings him closer to the liberal zone, in the broad sense of the anti-corruption tendency,” Mitev explains, suggesting that the president is consolidating his position for a possible launch of his own political project.

Tax hikes – The spark that ignited the protests

Beyond the political games, the protests had a concrete economic trigger: the draft budget for next year. Conceived as a transitional budget towards the Euro, it included unpopular measures, including doubling the dividend tax from 5% to 10% and increasing social security contributions.

This proposal rapidly mobilized the trade unions and employers’ organizations – categories that do not usually take to the streets alongside civic activists. The reaction of GERB leader, Boyko Borissov, was a tactical retreat. After the first protests at the end of November, Borissov withdrew the budget for re-examination in an attempt to calm tensions.

“This generated dissatisfaction which, over time, attracted more and more groups – trade unions and employers’ organizations. The first protest, at the end of November, was also provoked by people from trade unions or employers’ organizations. Then Borissov, in response to the protests, began making compromises on the budget and reopened the social dialogue, which reduced the opposition of the trade unions and employers to the budget, as far as I understand. Now he is trying to reduce the tension with the anti-corruption zone,” notes Mitev.

The immediate prospects remain uncertain. Although the street demands change, the parliamentary arithmetic is relentless: forming a majority without Borissov’s GERB party seems almost impossible.

“We will see what happens. I observe that the protests are not so much directed personally against Borissov, because he is not very visible in the forefront. But I believe that even if this government falls and the governing formula changes, Borissov could still remain influential, because his party is strong, and it is difficult to form a majority without GERB,” Mitev points out.

Under these conditions, there is a high probability that the protests will continue.

“I expect the protests to continue. There are indications of this: next week there will be a larger protest. Also, a motion of no confidence will be debated next week. I am not sure there will be early elections. It seems risky to enter the Eurozone with political instability. I don’t have internal information (about what’s next – note of the translator), but I don’t think Bulgaria can afford strong instability,” emphasizes Vladimir Mitev.

Photo: The protests in Sofia on 1 December 2025 (source: YouTube)

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