Political crisis in Bulgaria after the government’s resignation

Robert Vîrban, Adevărul, December 13, 2025

Summary

The article discusses the major political crisis in Bulgaria, which arose after the government resigned just before a vote of no confidence, amid massive nationwide protests, with popular support of over 70%.

Reasons and context for the resignation:

• The government chose to resign early, considering that resistance to protests would lead to electoral disaster, given the strength and spread of the protests (including in small towns).
• Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov adopted a conciliatory tone, acknowledging the validity of public discontent and speaking of a revolt against arrogance.

The target of the protests and the role of political actors:

• The crowd’s anger was directed in particular at the oligarchic model represented by Delyan Peevski and his influence on Bulgarian society.
• Boyko Borissov (leader of GERB) escaped public stigma more easily, being perceived as a “centrist” and benefiting from external support (the European Commission). However, his party, GERB, has seen a significant drop in the polls (from 25-27% to 17%).

The specter of early elections and the reconfigured political landscape:

• Bulgarian journalist Vladimir Mitev believes that it is very likely that early elections will be held after the president grants the three mandates to form a new government and they fail.
• The opposition is divided between the anti-corruption coalition “We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria” (which supports joining the eurozone, rated at ~15%) and the sovereignist party “Revival” (which opposes the single currency, rated at 9-10%).
• A populist party, “Sword”, is expected to enter parliament, capitalizing on public discontent.
• The Bulgarian Socialist Party is at an all-time low, below 5%.
• A move is expected from President Rumen Radev, who has one year left in office and could launch a political project amid the climate of instability and disgust with compromise coalitions.

Intro

The Bulgarian government chose to take a step back just before the vote on a no-confidence motion, amid massive protests that swept not only the capital Sofia but also smaller towns. Bulgarian journalist Vladimir Mitev explains to Adevărul the background to this decision, the role of oligarch Delyan Peevski, and the increasingly likely scenario of early elections.

The political calculation that led to the fall of the Sofia executive was based on simple mathematics, dictated by polls. With popular support for the protests at over 70%, the government understood that direct opposition would lead to electoral disaster.

“It was clear that the protests were very strong and, at the same time, polls showed that over 70% of Bulgarians, sometimes even more, supported the protests,” explains Mitev. He highlights the geographical spread of discontent, which has gone beyond the usual boundaries of large urban centers. “There were protests not only in Sofia, as is usually the case, not only in large cities, but in many smaller towns. Probably those in government calculated that if the protests continued and they simply resisted, opposed and maneuvered, they would lose more than if they resigned honorably,” Vladimir Mitev told Adevărul.

Resignation before the final vote

Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov, in his final speech, adopted a conciliatory tone, acknowledging the validity of public discontent.

“This is how they tried to emerge from this process with some dignity, and Prime Minister Zhelyazkov, in his speech upon leaving the government, showed a kind of respect for the demands; he said that there is resistance or a revolt against values, a revolt against arrogance,” the Bulgarian journalist explains. This attitude, in which the prime minister seemed to agree with the protesters, could have strategic value for the coming period.

The target of the protests: Peevski’s oligarchic model

Although the protests led to the fall of the government, the anger of the crowd had a specific target: Delyan Peevski and his influence on Bulgarian society. Boyko Borissov, the leader of GERB, seems to have escaped public stigma more easily, thanks in part to external support.

“The protests were more against Peevski, his party, and his influence on Bulgarian society; they were less concerned with Borissov. Borissov, long a favorite of the European Commission and other international supporters, will likely continue to play a role,” Mitev said.

Borissov’s party, GERB, although it remains the leading political force in the citizens’ preferences, has suffered a significant decline. From 25-27% in the first part of the year, the party has fallen to 17%, a loss of about 10 percentage points caused by the wear and tear of government. However, Borissov plays the role of a “centrist” capable of connecting diverse interests, from the European Commission to Viktor Orbán.

The specter of early elections

Procedurally, the Bulgarian president is required to grant three mandates for the formation of a new government. If these attempts fail, early elections are triggered and an interim government is appointed, with a prime minister chosen from a shortlist of ten dignitaries.

“From what I see and what analysts are discussing, it seems very likely that early elections will be held. We are gradually coming to believe this idea,” says Mitev. He anticipates a transition period in which the political and economic elites will seek to weaken Peevski’s influence, but replacing him will be difficult due to a lack of consensus.

The opposition is divided. On the one hand, there is the anti-corruption coalition “We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria” (ranked second in the polls, with about 15%), which supports joining the eurozone. On the other hand, the sovereignist party “Revival” (rated at 9-10%) vehemently opposes the single currency and recently proposed postponing accession.

“The more Peevski’s influence wanes, the more we will see that those who come in his place agree against him, but do not have consensus on other issues,” warns the journalist.

“The Radev factor”

The Bulgarian political landscape is being reconfigured. Alongside the established parties, the populist “Sword” party, which capitalizes on dissatisfaction with the political class, will also enter Parliament. In contrast, parties such as “There Is Such a People” are in danger of disappearing, and the Bulgarian Socialist Party is paying the price for its collaboration with the recent government, reaching a historic low of less than 5%. In this climate of instability and public “disgust” with compromise coalitions, all eyes are on President Rumen Radev.

“Many people are eagerly awaiting what President Rumen Radev will do, because he has one more year left in office. It would be logical—and many have been waiting for years—for him to launch a political project,” says Mitev. There is speculation that a party supported by the president could win a significant number of seats, offering the novelty that voters are looking for.

Under these circumstances, however, Bulgaria’s political future remains uncertain.

Photo: Rosen Zhelyazkov resigns his cabinet (source: YouTube)

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