Aurelian Giugăl, Libertatea, December 15, 2025
Table of contents
Introduction and political context (authored by The Bridge of Friendship)
Anti-government protests began in Bulgaria in late November 2025. They reached their peak on 10 December 2025, with mass demonstrations in Sofia and dozens of other cities. These protests led to political changes, resulting in the fall of the Zhelyazkov cabinet on 11 December 2025.
1. The scale of the protest and the main demands
Described as one of the largest protests in Bulgaria’s recent history, the demonstration on 10 December 2025 saw around 120,000–150,000 people take to the streets of Sofia.
The main demands:
- Resignation of the government of Rosen Zhelyazkov.
- Withdrawal of the draft budget for 2026 and preparation of a completely new one.
- “Peevski and Borisov must leave power!” – common motives against mafia behavior, corruption, and the status quo.
2. Political consequences
The pressure from the masses showed that ‘arrogance has its limits’, and led to two immediate and significant political actions.
- Withdrawal of the budget: Initially, the ruling parties (GERB and DPS) announced that the draft budget would only be revised, but after the protests reached their peak, it was ultimately withdrawn.
- Resignation of Zhelyazkov’s cabinet: Shortly after the mega-protest on December 10, 2025, Rosen Zhelyazkov’s government resigned before the scheduled vote of no confidence. Prime Minister Zhelyazkov adopted a conciliatory tone, acknowledging that this was a “rebellion against arrogance.”
3. What’s next on the political scene
Following the government’s resignation, the country entered a constitutional process whereby the president appoints someone to form a new government within the current parliament.
- Possibility of early elections: Political analysts and opposition parties (such as “Vazrazhdane” and Mech) believe that early parliamentary elections, probably in the spring of 2026, are a very likely scenario, as it is believed that no new majority will be formed within the 49th National Assembly.
- Public opinion: The protests highlighted the strong discontent of the public and the demands for profound changes in the political model, which makes it extremely difficult to form a new government with the participation of the old forces.
10 December 2025 is considered a historic date and will be remembered as a symbol of mass mobilisation against corruption and the abuse of power.
Against this backdrop, the Romanian newspaper Libertatea’s website interviewed Vladimir Mitev about the Bulgarian protests, the anti-corruption discourse within them, the social profile of the protesters and the current state of Bulgarian–Romanian relations.
Summary of the interview with journalist Vladimir Mitev
The main reasons for the protests
According to Vladimir Mitev, people took to the streets primarily due to growing discontent with the arrogant behaviour of politicians and their lack of respect for important social groups, such as medical interns. The draft budget for 2026, which proposed an increase in social contributions and tax on dividends, served more as a pretext. Mitev emphasises that the Zhelyazkov cabinet was perceived as representing the interests of Boyko Borisov (GERB) and Delyan Peevski (DPS). Peevski’s actions, such as persecuting mayors from anti-corruption parties and creating a parliamentary group to investigate Soros’ activities, prompted other public and oligarchic groups to organise against him.
The role of corruption
Corruption is a central issue that can remove political actors from public life, as it is closely linked to control over the judiciary and the prosecution. In Bulgaria’s oligarchic political system, demonising a politician or businessman as corrupt serves political goals aimed at weakening figures who have become too powerful.
Profile of the protesters
The protest is heterogeneous and includes:
- Educated urban elites – urban liberals (who see Peevski as a representative of the Bulgarian oligarchy).
- People who support the sovereignist movement in society and nationalists (who oppose Peevski because of his support from Bulgarian Turks and Roma).
The protests reflect the discontent that has built up in 2025 over various specific issues (such as the case of the mayor of Varna) and express a demand for a “new way of governing.” The removal of the cabinet may give Bulgarians a new sense of self-confidence.
Political consequences and prospects
The parties that formed Zhelyazkov’s government (GERB and DPS) are in retreat. According to a public opinion poll:
- GERB is the leading party, but with only 17% support.
- “We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria” is in second place with almost 15%.
- They are followed by “Revival” and DPS.
- The Bulgarian Socialist Party is below the electoral threshold.
Early parliamentary elections in the spring of 2026 are considered a very likely scenario. The role of President Rumen Radev remains unclear, despite his meetings with Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó and European ambassadors.
Bulgarian-Romanian relations
Since 2022, relations have been on an upward trend, reaching the level of a strategic partnership in 2023. This indicates potential for joint projects. Mitev points out that Bulgaria experienced a more challenging post-socialist transition, resulting in the dominance of influential business figures in society. He believes that Romanians could more easily understand Bulgarian realities due to the many similarities between the two nations, representing an opportunity for both countries.
Interview (by Aurelian Giugăl with Vladimir Mitev for the Libertatea website)
The reasons that brought Bulgarians out onto the streets
The recent protests in Bulgaria led to the resignation of the government. I read and understood that the protests initially began as a sign of discontent with corruption, but they are also related to taxation – a package of measures in the draft budget for 2026, which includes an increase in social contributions, a doubling of the tax on dividends, fiscal pressure on employees and companies, etc. As a Bulgarian journalist, but also as someone who knows Romania very well, what do you think are the main reasons that brought people out onto the streets?
I think people started protesting primarily because of growing dissatisfaction with the arrogant behavior of various politicians associated with the current government and the parliamentary majority that has been in power until now. For example, during the year there were protests by interns in the medical field, who have very low incomes and work in poor conditions, often in several places, to support themselves while completing their medical specialization. The attitude of the ruling party MPs towards the protest was cynical – politicians told them to go and work abroad, that they could bring in doctors from Asia to work for €250 a month, and so on.
Another example was the demand for decent incomes from various categories of employees in state institutions, including the public media, but also from workers in the care and social assistance sector, who had been neglected for too long.
Zhelyazkov’s government was generally perceived as representing not only the party of Boyko Borisov (three times Prime Minister of Bulgaria between 2009 and 2021 and leader of the GERB party, a member of the European People’s Party), but also the political line of the influential politician and businessman Delyan Peevski (politician and businessman, leader of the DPS-New Start party, attacked by many as a representative of the Bulgarian oligarchy). During his term, the prosecutor’s office, which many associate with Peevski’s critical influence, began prosecuting mayors of large cities belonging to anti-corruption parties. At the end of the year, Peevski created a parliamentary group to investigate the activities of the Soros family in Bulgaria.
These actions showed that Peevski was gaining power by attacking other public and oligarchic groups. I believe they realised the threat he posed. The budget discussions in November merely provided a pretext for the protests to begin. Both employers and trade unions were dissatisfied with the initial budget proposal. Apart from the many specific reasons for discontent, one of the main reasons is that important social groups are not respected, and politicians are arrogant and egocentric.
Corruption is a central problem in this part of the world, including Bulgaria and Romania. To what extent do you think the protests are related to long-standing dissatisfaction with corruption?
Currently, corruption is the reason for the removal of political actors from public life in our region. This is why controlling the judiciary and the prosecution service is important, as it is through these bodies that such disputes are resolved.
In Bulgaria, for example, the prosecution service brought charges against some district mayors in Sofia and the mayor of Varna this year. Some left the political scene, while others, such as the mayor of Varna, remained part of it. All of them were members of the anti-corruption formation ‘We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria’.
These anti-corruption groups have spoken out uncompromisingly against Delian Peevski, whom they accuse of exerting behind-the-scenes influence over the prosecutor’s office. They were supported in this regard by President Rumen Radev, who combines anti-corruption rhetoric with rhetoric against Mr Peevski.
It is important to bear in mind that Bulgaria has an oligarchic political system, whereby politics is often reduced to a few figures who are involved in various combinations with each other. For example, during Prime Minister Nikolay Denkov’s term, it was acknowledged that President Rumen Radev was too influential because he had appointed temporary governments whose composition he had determined himself. At that time, anti-corruption parties collaborated with Boyko Borisov and Delyan Peevski — traditionally considered corrupt politicians — in order to weaken Radev and change the constitution to reduce their power. Now, we see how Peevski has become too powerful, prompting other political figures and their associated interests to organise against him.
Ultimately, the courts decide whether corruption has occurred in a specific case. However, in Bulgaria, demonising a politician or businessman as corrupt serves political purposes, showing that someone who has become too powerful or dangerous must be weakened.
Who are the people who took to the streets?
Which social groups were the most active? In short, is this a class protest?
The protest is quite heterogeneous. Educated urban elites are participating. However, people who support the sovereignist movement in Bulgarian society are also taking part. Some protesters support joining the eurozone, which is set to become a reality on 1 January 2026. Others oppose this accession. Nationalists hate Peevski because he is supported by Bulgarian Turks and Roma. Urban liberals also oppose Peevski because they consider him to be a representative of the Bulgarian oligarchy.
Throughout 2025, various protests were held on specific issues, indicating that public discontent was gradually growing. For instance, there were months of protests in support of Blagomir Kotsev, the mayor of Varna, who was targeted by the prosecutor’s office for alleged corruption. Additionally, like Romanian society, Bulgarian society is sensitive to issues related to domestic violence and protests against the murders of women. There were also protests in solidarity with migrants detained in centres for years despite court rulings ordering their release. And so on. The list of protesters is not exhaustive.
Protests are a way for people to show that their patience has limits and demand change. In the case of the current protests, which led to the fall of Zhelyazkov’s government, several factors came together. Ultimately, people want a “new way of governing”. However, it is perhaps not very clear what exactly that means in a positive sense. Perhaps it means something different to each of the protesters. But in any case, there is discontent. Something interesting is now happening, given that protests in our country rarely achieve their goals quickly. The fall of the Zhelyazkov government may give Bulgarians a new sense of self-confidence, showing them that their voice and anger have been heard and that they can effect change.
Which parties or politicians are in a better position to form the next government?
The parties that formed Zhelyazkov’s government are in visible retreat. GERB continues to be the leading party in terms of public support, but only 17% of voters would support it. The anti-corruption party “We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria” is in second place with almost 15%, according to a public opinion poll conducted this week. Next is the sovereignist party “Revival,” followed by Delian Peevski’s party, DPS – A New Beginning, which has apparently lost a few percentage points. The populist party Sword will also enter parliament, while the Bulgarian Socialist Party, according to the poll, is now below the electoral threshold that would allow it to enter parliament. The Bulgarian Socialist Party was also part of the government but lost support. Similarly, the populist party “There is Such a People,” which was also part of Zhelyazkov’s government, will not enter parliament.
It is currently unclear whether and when President Rumen Radev will launch his own political project. There are expectations that such a party will gather support among sovereignists and achieve good results.
Recently, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó visited Sofia and met only with Radev. There is much speculation about what was discussed at this meeting, and some expect Radev to play a more important role with the continuation of the Trump era. Recently, in December 2025, Radev also met with European ambassadors, which is another sign that his positions or actions will matter. But so far, he remains unclear about his strategy and ambitions.
On Bulgarian-Romanian relations
What should Romanians know about the situation in Bulgaria, beyond what is written in the headlines?
One of the things I think Romanians should know about Bulgaria and Bulgarians is that Bulgarian-Romanian relations have been on an upward trend since 2022, and in 2023, the two countries elevated their political relations to the rank of strategic partnership. In my opinion, this is a clear sign that more and more projects and actions can be carried out jointly with Bulgarians and new relationships can be built. This should mean that Romanians can be more open in their curiosity about Bulgarians and, over time, discover new things about them, different from what they observed in the 1970s or 1990s, on the basis of which they may have formed (negative) prejudices.
Another point I would like to make is that Bulgaria experienced a more challenging post-socialist transition than Romania, resulting in the breakdown of social, family and state ties. This is why Bulgaria is dominated by influential businessmen with interests in various areas of power, including the judiciary and the media. I would be delighted if Romanians supported the positive transformation of Bulgarian society, which, in some respects, is mired in a constant struggle between different factions that exhausts its energy for change.
Bulgarian–Romanian relations have long been less developed than those between Bulgarians and Serbs, Greeks or Turks. Nevertheless, I believe that Romanians would find it relatively easier to understand Bulgarian realities than those of other European countries. Therefore, familiarising themselves with Bulgarian realities could help Romanians to increase their potential at relatively low cost and with less effort. I believe this is an opportunity for both nations.
We are not fully aware of the similarities between our social phenomena, contradictions, traditions and many other aspects. Once we begin to realise this, however, we can discover a country that is literally a mirror image of our own. As a Bulgarian who speaks Romanian, I find this remarkable.
Photo: The Bulgarian protests in Sofia (source: YouTube)
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